Lewis’ argument that the classes of “doves” and “hardhats” being more stereotypes than anything holds a large amount of weight. Nixon’s weaponization of those stereotypes to his advantage shows a level of understanding of them that isn’t prevalent with real life and is typically only found in stereotypes. With surveillance and domestic security ramped up, and some describing his tenure feeling “like a blanket,” (Lewis 169), the radical way in which he changed the feeling of America in his time is still felt tangentially today. In fact, Nixon and Wallace both entirely embraced the idea of these stereotypes and used them to a great deal of effect.
The author quotes Adolph Reed in saying “Wallace and Nixon took postwar liberalism’s stereotypes of an element of the white working class and revalorized them, offering them as the basis of a coherent, affirmative political identity.” (Lewis 171) Wallace paid attention to many of the sways in the political current of the time, successfully noting a Republican realignment with conservativism in the midst of it occurring. Their notes on “doves” and “hardhats” seem to align fairly well with modern-day politics, though still stereotypical.
Without the “anti-war left”, the antagonism for White working-class Americans can have numerous factors. For instance, there was a large feeling of being forgotten from the “hardhat” at the time, and with everything shifting around them the more traditionalist viewpoints of the people aligned with that specific stereotype may feel forgotten.
I’m not sure the Democratic party could have prevented this realignment. If there were a way, it may have been taking a similar stance to Nixon and Wallace instead of the strategy they did end up going with for the time? Again, though, I’m not positive.
Will Wright 
Hi! Great discussion post.
I thought you simplified the article’s argument in a really digestible and factual manner–kudos! In addition to seizing on elitism and an educational divide, I do think Wallace threw in a racial component (he was a pretty staunch segregationist and racist guy) which appealed to many of these white working class folks–many of whom, as you pointed out, felt forgotten or left behind in an era of rapid social change. I argued that the Democratic Party could have at least slowed the realignment of white working class people to the Republican Party by forming a semi-cohesive stance on economic issues–issues that appealed to many working class people (such as job growth/opportunities, raising the minimum wage, etc.). I enjoyed reading this article because, as you pointed out, many of the issues facing the political parties back in the 60s and 70s are still very real today! Great post.
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